When I first arrived in Rio de Janeiro, the city struck me like a revelation. The Atlantic rainforest spilled down from the highlands and pressed against the edge of the sea, where the famous beaches shimmered under a merciless sun. Mountains rose like sentinels behind the city, their granite faces veiled in mist. On the sand, men and boys played barefoot football, chasing a ball as if the act itself could redeem their poverty. The air smelled of salt, sweat, and frying oil. From the towers of Leblon and Ipanema, glass balconies overlooked another world: the favelas, those stacked mosaics of color clinging to the hillsides, where life pulsed to the rhythm of samba and gunfire alike.
In recent weeks, that war has taken an even darker turn. The October raid in Complexo da Penha has now claimed more than 120 lives, the highest death toll from a single security operation in Rio’s history. It began before dawn, when BOPE and CORE units, backed by army helicopters and armored caveirões, surged into the favela to target senior Comando Vermelho figures. By sunrise, the neighborhood was under siege. Gunfire cracked through the alleys, and residents reported seeing bodies in the streets while ambulances were kept at the perimeter. Officials called it a success. Locals called it a massacre. Among the dead were suspected traffickers, but also unconfirmed reports students, laborers, and bystanders with no weapons at all. The scale of the killing stunned even a city accustomed to bloodletting. What was meant to restore order only deepened the sense that Rio’s security forces are waging a war with no clear line between combatant and civilian.
It is easy for an outsider to romanticize those hills. They have given Brazil its champions—the soccer prodigies who rose from dirt fields to global stadiums, the jiu-jitsu fighters who turned struggle into art, the musicians who carried the nation’s soul in their voices. But that beauty has long been shadowed by blood. The favelas are battlegrounds, with narco gangs fighting for street corners, militias ruling by fear, and now, amid the latest incursions by Rio’s elite BOPE units, a new wave of war playing out among the alleys. Helicopters circle above Complexo do Alemão; armored trucks crawl through narrow streets where children once flew kites. Rio, for all its splendor, remains a city at war with itself.
The Good Guys

I spent a year in Brazil from 2020 to 2021, and it was the best year of my life. I trained Brazilian jiu-jitsu and MMA full-time, competing with the FightZone team at the headquarters of Checkmat Brazil. I had a girl, a dog, and a sense of belonging I hadn’t felt in years. Sometimes I crossed the city to train at Carlson Gracie Leme, a small gym at the entrance to Morro da Babilônia, one of Rio’s older, supposedly pacified favelas. At first, I was nervous about going there. Every foreigner hears the same warning: don’t go into the favelas. But Rio never feels truly safe, not even in its wealthiest neighborhoods. You see too many people with nothing to lose and a habit to feed.
The first day I walked in, I met the instructor, a wiry, strong-looking man named Totti. His friend arrived soon after, another black belt, about 170 pounds and built like a middleweight. As we spoke in Portuguese, he made a point of telling me he was an off-duty cop, then lifted his shirt just enough to show the Glock 19 tucked into his waistband. It wasn’t a threat; it was a declaration. He was saying that this gym was not one of those favela gyms, that they were part of the state. That moment told me everything I needed to know about Rio. There are only three kinds of people here: the state and its guns, the narcos and theirs, and the civilians trying to stay alive between them.
The Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais, or BOPE, was founded in 1978, when Rio’s favelas became fortified redoubts under the control of narco factions such as Comando Vermelho. Conventional police could not enter without taking casualties, so the state built a force that could fight insurgents at home. BOPE’s kit reflects that mission. Their rifles are not the old FAL-pattern 5.56mm rifles that jam after a few magazines or the IMBEL MD-97s issued to regular units; they use M4 carbines, HK33s, AR-10s, and customized Benelli shotguns tuned for close-quarters battle. They carry night optics, ballistic shields, breaching tools, and radios linked to their armored caveirões—black, turreted vehicles designed to withstand small-arms fire and climb Rio’s near-vertical streets. Their gear looks somewhere between SWAT and light infantry, but their movements are different: deliberate, efficient, adapted for the tight spaces where every corner hides a firing line.
The Americans noticed. Over the years, elements of the 82nd Airborne Division and other U.S. Army South contingents have rotated through Brazil for joint urban-combat exchanges, training with BOPE in the same terrain where real gunfights erupt weekly. The favelas are living laboratories of urban warfare—stacked, multi-level, unpredictable. For American paratroopers, they offer something no mock village at Fort Bragg can replicate. For BOPE, the drills refine what they already know instinctively: how to fight an enemy that blends into the city itself.
To outsiders, these men look like heroes. To the people who live in the favelas, they are something closer to an occupying force. When BOPE rolls in, the black trucks echo off the hills and everything stops: the children, the markets, the music. In those moments, Rio feels like two cities sharing the same ground—one dreaming of peace, the other trapped in perpetual war.
The Bad Guys

It was one of those nights when one bar blurred into another until someone suggested an after-party. My Brazilian friends decided we should go to a real one: a funk party deep inside Rocinha, the largest favela in South America, home to well over a hundred thousand people stacked on a single hillside. As a traveler, I couldn’t resist. This wasn’t the curated Rio that most visitors see—the sanitized stretch of Ipanema and Leblon where a small fraction of the city lives. We were heading into its heart.
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At the base of the favela, we hailed motorbike taxis and began the climb through narrow, twisting lanes. The air thickened with exhaust and fried food as we passed walls painted in gang colors. It was 2021, the height of Brazil’s COVID crisis. Hospitals were overflowing, the death toll climbing by the thousands each day. Yet nothing could tame Brazilian nightlife. The culture itself seemed immune: loud, physical, and unashamedly alive.
A mile up the hill, the drivers stopped and gestured for us to walk. My friends grew serious. “Don’t pull out your phones,” one said. “Record nothing, and you’ll be fine.” We followed the bass vibrating through the concrete—boom-cha-cha, boom-cha—until we turned a corner and saw it: hundreds of people packed into a square, dancing beneath colored lights, watched from every angle by armed men.
Then the music stopped. The Comando Vermelho, the faction that controls Rocinha, wanted to make its presence known. A procession of boys, most barely twenty, filed in as if on parade. The most common weapons were Glock pistols mounted in PDW kits, with shoulder stocks, foregrips, and extended magazines. Others carried IMBEL FAL rifles, Brazil’s service version of the FN design, rechambered in 5.56mm. Some were stolen from army depots; others sold by corrupt police. A few older guards held pump-action shotguns or AR-15-pattern rifles cobbled from mixed parts. And then came the absurd centerpiece: a boy who couldn’t have been more than sixteen, shirtless and grinning, cradling a Browning .30-caliber machine gun, belts of ammunition draped across his chest like a parody of soldiering.
I made the mistake of raising my phone. A narco stepped out of the crowd, his hand resting on his pistol. He didn’t speak. He just motioned for me to delete the photo. I did, and he watched until it was gone before waving me away. Killing a foreigner would bring too much attention, and the Red Command preferred to keep the police out of their parties.
That was Rocinha’s version of order: young men with military hardware, ruling a city within a city, answerable only to their own command.
The Red Command
The Comando Vermelho—Red Command—was born in the late 1970s inside Rio’s Cândido Mendes Prison on Ilha Grande. Under Brazil’s military dictatorship, Marxist revolutionaries and political dissidents were jailed alongside common criminals. In that mix, ideology and crime fused. The guerrillas taught organization and discipline; the criminals taught how to rule by force. They called themselves the Falange Vermelha—the Red Phalanx—a symbol of solidarity that soon outlived its politics. Profit replaced revolution. By the 1980s, the Red Command controlled much of Rio’s cocaine trade and fortified its favelas into autonomous enclaves. Their motto, Paz, Justiça e Liberdade—Peace, Justice, and Liberty—became darkly ironic as they waged war against both rivals and the state.
War Without End
As of late 2025, the Red Command remains dominant across Rio’s northern and western zones, locked in constant turf wars in Complexo do Alemão, Maré, and Rocinha. Open-source intelligence from Reuters, AP, and Brazilian security analysts shows the group operating through semi-autonomous frentes, each led by local commanders managing supply lines, street enforcement, and weapons procurement. Their arsenal includes AK-pattern rifles, IMBEL FALs, NATO-standard carbines, and an increasing use of drones fitted with improvised explosives and radio jammers—a page borrowed from Mexico’s cartel wars.
The Brazilian response has intensified. BOPE, CORE, and army units have mounted large-scale raids like the October 2025 operation in Complexo da Penha, which left more than sixty people dead—the bloodiest day in Rio’s modern history. Red Command fighters counter with tire barricades, rooftop snipers, and teenage lookouts equipped with encrypted radios. BOPE now relies on drone reconnaissance and caveirão armor to breach the hills, but territorial control remains fleeting. The police clear, withdraw, and the traffickers return. Rio lives in a permanent, low-intensity war: the state by day, the cartels by night.
Going Home
I left the favela alone, around four in the morning. I wanted to see what it felt like to walk out on foot, to take in the silence after the music. My friends had begged me not to, but curiosity won. I kept close to the walls, avoiding the patrols of boys with rifles, each trying to look older than he was. You never know what a teenager with an automatic weapon might decide you are.
Once I passed beyond their zone, the quiet felt heavier than the noise had. The night wasn’t thrilling anymore; it was sad. Brazil is a magnificent country, rich in land, water, and beauty, its coastline rivaling any in the world. Traveling through it, you begin to feel it as an alternate version of the United States—shaped by a different language and faith but born of the same violence. Both nations took fertile land from their natives and built their wealth on enslaved Africans. But Brazil’s monarchy and slave economy endured longer, leaving deeper scars. Even now, inequality is written on every city wall.
The twentieth century added another wound. The United States, fearing communism, backed Brazil’s military dictatorship, which silenced dissent and stunted democracy for a generation. You can still feel its echo in the favelas today: young men inheriting a system that never gave them a future, living by the gun because nothing else was left.
Brazil’s flag reads Ordem e Progresso—order and progress—but the words feel more like a prayer than a promise. I want to believe the new crackdowns will bring peace, yet I know they won’t. The cycle will continue until the country finds a reason for its people to live that is stronger than their reasons to fight.