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Evening Brief: Military Expanding “National Defense” Zones, C-17’s Get New Life, China Conducts “Secret” Nuclear Tests

The Pentagon is drawing new authority lines along the border, keeping the C-17 fleet flying into the 2070s while pushing more U.S. weapons overseas, and trading nuclear accusations with China as the last guardrails of arms control continue to crack.

The Pentagon Draws New Lines on the Border

The Pentagon is expanding a little-noticed tool along the southern border, and it is quietly changing how the military operates on U.S. soil.

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Over the past year, the Department of Defense has been designating narrow strips of federally controlled land as “national defense areas.” A new zone in Texas was added this week, expanding a network that already stretches across portions of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. These are not massive bases with gates and guard towers. Think of them as mapped corridors where the military has clearer authority to operate in support of border security.

Inside these zones, active-duty troops and National Guard personnel can temporarily detain individuals who cross into restricted areas and hold them until Customs and Border Protection or other federal law enforcement takes custody. They can conduct limited safety searches during those detentions. What they are not doing, at least according to Pentagon guidance, is acting as full-time police. Officials are adamant that the mission remains support, not replacement.

For years, military involvement at the border lived in a legal gray zone. Troops flew surveillance aircraft, built barriers, and moved supplies, but direct contact with migrants or smugglers raised thorny questions about the Posse Comitatus Act and the limits of domestic military authority. The defense areas are designed to remove some of that ambiguity. Commanders now have defined spaces where rules are clearer, and coordination with federal agencies is more streamlined.

Supporters say the change reflects operational reality. The border is not just a line on a map. It is an environment shaped by cartel activity, human trafficking networks, and large migration flows that can overwhelm civilian agencies. Giving troops a clearly defined role inside specific zones, they argue, makes the mission safer and more efficient for everyone involved.

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Critics see something else: a steady normalization of military authority inside the United States. Even limited detention powers on American soil raise questions about precedent, oversight, and where the line gets drawn if the mission expands.

For now, the Pentagon’s footprint at the border remains tightly scoped and legally framed as support. But the trend is unmistakable. The military’s role is becoming more structured, more formal, and more codified with each new zone added to the map.

Once lines like these are drawn, they rarely get erased.

The Airlift That Never Retires

The U.S. Air Force is about to give its workhorse a second life, and it’s doing it at the same time Washington is pushing harder than ever to sell American steel overseas.

This week, the Air Force awarded contracts to modernize the C-17 Globemaster III fleet, a platform that has been hauling tanks, troops, and everything in between since the early 1990s. The plan is simple: keep the jet relevant well into the 2070s. That is not a typo. The new avionics and flight-deck modernization effort is designed to replace aging systems, add modular open-architecture computing, and make it easier to bolt on future upgrades without tearing the airplane apart.

Boeing and its partners will update mission computers, cockpit displays, and core avionics to deal with obsolescence and keep the aircraft flying for decades. The Air Force wants a plug-and-play architecture that allows new tech to slide in as threats evolve. In plain English, the C-17 is getting a digital nervous system transplant so it can keep doing what it does best: move the war.

The timing matters. Strategic airlift is not glamorous, but it wins wars. Every deployment, every humanitarian mission, every armored brigade crossing an ocean starts with cargo in a C-17. Keeping that fleet viable into the 2070s signals that the United States intends to maintain global mobility even as the fight shifts toward the Pacific and high-end competition.

Now add the second half of the equation: a new executive order aimed at speeding up foreign arms sales and boosting domestic production. The White House rolled out what it calls an “America First Arms Transfer Strategy,” which directs agencies to cut red tape, accelerate approvals, and prioritize sales to allies that matter strategically. The idea is to use foreign demand to expand U.S. manufacturing capacity while getting weapons into allied hands faster.

In practical terms, that means fewer bureaucratic delays, more coordination with industry, and a stronger push to turn U.S. defense exports into a tool of industrial and strategic leverage. Officials say the policy is meant to strengthen supply chains, speed deliveries, and ensure allies can field American equipment before adversaries close the gap.

Put those two moves together, and a pattern emerges. The Pentagon is investing in the muscle that moves forces around the globe while Washington works to arm partners who can hold ground in their own regions. One keeps the pipeline open. The other fills it.

The C-17 will keep flying for another half-century. And if the export push works the way planners hope, it won’t be flying alone.

China’s “Secret Test” Problem, and Why It Matters Now

The United States just lobbed a very specific accusation at Beijing, and it landed in the worst possible moment for nuclear stability.

On February 6, at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, U.S. Under Secretary of State Thomas DiNanno said Washington believes China conducted a “yield-producing” nuclear test on June 22, 2020, and prepared for additional tests with yields in the “hundreds of tons.” He also claimed China used “decoupling,” a technique meant to muffle a blast’s seismic signature by detonating in an underground cavity, basically trying to make a nuclear test look like background noise.

China’s response was not subtle. Beijing called the allegation “outright lies,” said it was “completely groundless,” and accused Washington of manufacturing an excuse to restart U.S. nuclear testing.

Then the referee stepped onto the field. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization, the Vienna-based body that runs the global monitoring network for nuclear explosions, said its system did not detect anything consistent with a nuclear test at the time Washington cited, and that further analysis did not change that conclusion.

So who’s right? Publicly, we do not have the underlying U.S. intelligence. We do have the CTBTO saying, in plain language, it did not see a signature that looks like a nuclear blast. That gap is the whole story.

This flare-up is not happening in a vacuum. New START, the last treaty limiting U.S. and Russian strategic deployments, expired on February 5, leaving the two biggest arsenals without binding caps for the first time since the early 1970s. The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty still is not in force, and key countries including the United States and China have signed but not ratified it.

The timing also matters because the U.S. President in October ordered the military to resume the process for nuclear weapons testing, pointing to alleged foreign activity without providing details at the time. Now the administration is naming a date, a method, and a target.

If this is a bluff, it is a dangerous one. If it is true, it is worse. Either way, we are watching the old arms-control scaffolding come apart while three nuclear superpowers glare at each other over the rubble.

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