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Evening Brief: Iran Is Fighting Blind as Its Leadership Splinters Under Fire

Iran is still launching missiles and pulling triggers, but with its air defenses gutted and its command structure fractured, it is fighting blind and thinking in pieces, which is exactly how wars spin out of control.

Iran’s Command Vacuum – Who’s Actually Giving the Orders Now

When Khamenei was killed on February 28, Iran did not just lose a leader; it lost the one figure who could align clerics, generals, and politicians into a single chain of command. What followed was not a collapse. It was a system still fighting, but doing it without a stable center of gravity.

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On paper, the transition followed the constitution. Article 111 triggered an interim leadership structure on March 1, composed of President Masoud Pezeshkian, Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei, and Ayatollah Alireza Arafi, a Guardian Council cleric selected by the Expediency Discernment Council. About a week later, after deliberations from March 3 to 8, the Assembly of Experts installed Mojtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader, with the announcement made on March 9.

That sequence checks all the right legal boxes. It does not explain who is actually driving decisions.

The succession itself was shaped under pressure. IRGC commanders leaned heavily on the Assembly, sidelining opposition and forcing through Mojtaba’s appointment despite reported objections from within his father’s own circle. The same organization that controls Iran’s missile forces, proxy networks, and large portions of internal security did not just fill the vacuum. It helped define who would sit at the top of it.

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At the same time, the system briefly found a center of gravity in Ali Larijani, who functioned as a de facto decision-maker for nearly three weeks after Khamenei’s death. His assassination on March 17 removed the one civilian figure who could bridge the political and security apparatus. That second disruption pushed authority back into overlapping and competing channels.

Now you have three layers operating at once. A constitutional council with legal authority. A newly installed Supreme Leader who has not appeared publicly and whose statements are delivered secondhand, raising real questions about his physical condition and capacity to govern. And an IRGC that continues to execute operations, replace leadership under fire, and move faster than the political layer can coordinate.

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The fractures are already visible.

Mojtaba’s early messaging called for expanded attacks and using the Strait of Hormuz as leverage. Pezeshkian, meanwhile, has signaled conditional off-ramps and even apologized to Gulf states for Iranian strikes, only to be overruled by the Revolutionary Guards. That is not messaging nuance. That is strategic divergence at the top.

At the operational level, Iran is leaning into a “mosaic defense” approach, pushing decision-making down to local commanders and proxy elements. That keeps the fight going, but it also increases the likelihood that actions across Hezbollah, Iraqi militias, and maritime units will drift out of sync.

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Looking one move ahead, watch for mismatched escalation, faster military action than political messaging can explain, and divergence across theaters.

Despite what she might be hearing on television, Iran is still in the fight. Missiles are still flying. Proxies are still moving.

But the system directing them is no longer unified.

And in a war like this, fragmentation does not slow escalation. It accelerates the chance that the next move is the wrong one.

Iran’s Air Defense Collapse – How a Decades-Long System Got Taken Apart in Days

Iran spent decades building what it believed was a layered shield. Russian S-300 batteries, domestically produced Bavar-373 systems, mid-range Khordad and Raad platforms, and short-range point defenses wrapped around critical infrastructure. On paper, it looked like a modern integrated air defense network.

What existed in reality was something far more fragile.

This collapse did not begin on February 28. It began years earlier.

Israeli strikes in April and October 2024 targeted the backbone of Iran’s high-end air defense, specifically the S-300 systems protecting key nuclear and military sites. By late 2024, multiple assessments indicated that all four S-300 batteries had been destroyed or rendered inoperable. Iran attempted partial reconstitution in the months that followed, with satellite imagery showing launchers reappearing near Tehran and Isfahan in early 2026. Whether those were operational systems, degraded remnants, or decoys remains unclear. What is clear is that whatever capability was rebuilt did not hold under pressure.

That set the conditions for what came next.

When the opening phase of this war began, the targeting followed a familiar and disciplined pattern. Radar systems and early warning nodes were hit first. Confirmed strikes on radar installations in Ilam and Khuzestan degraded Iran’s ability to see the battlespace before follow-on attacks even arrived. Once those sensors were degraded, the rest of the system began to unravel.

Air defense is not about launchers. It is about the network that connects sensors, command nodes, and shooters into a coherent response. Iran had hardware. What it lacked was seamless integration.

Years of sanctions and reverse engineering produced a hybrid system where Russian-built components operated alongside domestic substitutes that were never designed to fully integrate. That created friction in the worst possible places. Data links slowed. Targeting cycles lagged. Systems that should have been layered ended up operating in parallel.

In a modern air campaign, seconds are the difference between intercept and impact.

Once the radar picture degraded, US and Israeli aircraft began operating deeper inside Iranian airspace. By early March, operations had shifted from stand-off strikes to direct air activity over major population centers, including Tehran. CENTCOM reported thousands of targets struck in the opening days, including air defense systems, command nodes, and missile infrastructure.

At that point, the outcome was largely set.

According to US and Israeli assessments, Iran’s most advanced systems, including the Bavar-373, failed to generate meaningful interception rates during the opening exchanges. Iran has disputed this, at times claiming successful engagements against advanced aircraft, though similar claims in past conflicts have later proven unreliable.

By early March, the picture was blunt. High-end systems were degraded or non-functional, mid-tier defenses were struggling to coordinate, and short-range systems were failing to stop low-altitude drones.

Once air superiority is lost, everything underneath it becomes exposed.

Missile launchers, command centers, leadership compounds, logistics nodes, all of it becomes targetable. Air defense is not just about protecting the sky. It is about protecting the entire warfighting system.

Here is the part most media coverage misses.

This was not just about better aircraft or superior pilots. It was about integration versus imitation. Iran built a force that looked modern, but it was assembled under constraint, using reverse-engineered components and partial systems. It worked as a deterrent. It did not hold under sustained, coordinated attack.

Iran has adapted.

Instead of trying to rebuild a fixed network, it is shifting toward dispersion and what its own leadership has described as a “mosaic defense,” pushing authority down to local commanders and relying more on mobility, drones, and missile forces. That keeps the fight going, but it introduces fragmentation and increases the risk of miscalculation.

Let’s look one move ahead.

Iran is not going to regain control of its airspace in the middle of this conflict. It is going to operate underneath contested skies, using asymmetric tools to compensate for what it has lost.

Because right now, the reality is simple.

Iran is no longer defending its airspace.

It is fighting underneath someone else’s.

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