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Evening Brief: Pentagon Embraces Chat GPT, Defense Industry “Naughty List”, CIA Buys More Tech, Ditches Factbook

From Langley speeding tech to operators, to the Pentagon leaning on contractors to build faster, to AI moving inside the wire, Washington is quietly rewiring how it thinks, builds, and fights for the next war.

Pentagon Brings ChatGPT Inside the Wire

The Department of War is moving fast to get generative AI off the sidelines and into daily use, and this time it is doing it on its own turf. The Pentagon is integrating ChatGPT into its internal GenAI.mil platform, a secure environment designed to give service members and civilian staff access to approved artificial-intelligence tools without pushing sensitive work onto public systems.

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This is not some experimental side project buried in a lab. GenAI.mil is the War Department’s enterprise generative-AI platform, already rolling out across the services for unclassified work. The idea is simple: give personnel a sanctioned, government-hosted tool that can help draft documents, summarize large volumes of text, and speed up routine staff work, all while staying inside controlled networks and under Department of War policy.

The move comes after years of cautious interest and quiet experimentation. Plenty of troops and civilian employees were already testing commercial AI tools on their own time, sometimes without clear guidance. That raised predictable concerns about data security, accuracy, and accountability. Bringing ChatGPT into GenAI.mil is an attempt to solve that problem by putting a vetted system inside the fence, with monitoring, usage controls, and human oversight baked in.

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Officials have been clear about what this is and what it is not. It is not an autonomous decision-maker, and it is not being plugged into classified warfighting systems. At least for now, the focus is on unclassified workflows: drafting briefings, generating first-cut reports, assisting research, and helping overworked staff move faster. Every output still requires human review. Nobody is handing operational authority to a chatbot.

Even so, the implications are hard to ignore. Large organizations win or lose on how quickly they can process information and turn it into action. In a building known for layers of bureaucracy and long staffing cycles, shaving hours off routine cognitive work can change the tempo in ways that matter. Multiply that across hundreds of thousands of users, and the effect becomes strategic.

The rollout is expected to expand gradually as security and performance questions get hammered out. There is no public timeline for full adoption across the force. But the direction of travel is obvious. The Department of War wants generative AI working for it, not around it. Bringing ChatGPT inside GenAI.mil is one more sign that the Pentagon intends to fight the next era of competition with faster tools and fewer excuses.

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Pentagon’s Contractor “Naughty List” Is Already Getting Results

The Department of War has completed its first sweep of the defense-industrial base, and while the Pentagon’s unofficial contractor “naughty list” is not finalized yet, the message to industry is landing loud and clear: build faster, invest more, and stop prioritizing shareholders over production.

Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell confirmed this week that the department finished an initial review of major defense firms tied to a January executive order aimed at boosting weapons output and manufacturing capacity. The review looked at whether contractors are meeting delivery timelines, expanding production lines, and putting serious capital into factories instead of routing cash back to investors. The Pentagon says it needs additional time to finalize determinations on which companies, if any, will face formal restrictions or corrective action.

That executive order gives the department authority to impose limits on stock buybacks, dividends, or other shareholder payouts for companies that fall short of production and investment expectations. The exact enforcement details are still being worked out, and no final list has been released. But contractors have already gotten the memo.

RTX moved quickly after the review began, striking several agreements with the Pentagon to ramp up missile production across key programs. The company says it is working toward an annual output of more than 1,000 Tomahawk cruise missiles, at least 1,900 AMRAAM air-to-air missiles, and roughly 500 SM-6 interceptors. In some cases, that represents a two- to four-fold increase over current production rates. RTX is also planning about $500 million in additional capital investment for 2026 to expand manufacturing capacity, tooling, and workforce across multiple facilities.

That kind of response is exactly what Pentagon planners were hoping to provoke. Demand for precision munitions has surged across multiple theaters, and U.S. stockpiles have been under pressure for years. Officials have repeatedly warned that production lines built for peacetime pacing cannot keep up with modern consumption rates. The new policy framework is designed to push the industry to treat manufacturing capacity as a strategic priority, not a quarterly earnings variable.

To be clear, the Pentagon is not out to publicly shame contractors for sport. Officials say many companies are already working toward compliance and that discussions with industry are ongoing. Still, the threat of landing on the final naughty list is proving to be a powerful motivator.

The list itself may stay classified or partially disclosed when it is finalized. Either way, the early effect is obvious. Billions of dollars that might have gone to buybacks are now being steered toward production lines. In a defense environment where missile output and industrial depth matter more than press releases, that is a shift worth watching.

CIA Hits the Gas on Tech, Then Quietly Closes the Book on Its Most Famous Public Product

Langley just sent two signals in the same week, one loud, one whispered.

First, the loud one. The CIA says it is overhauling how it buys technology, with a new acquisition framework designed to pull cutting-edge tools into operational use faster. The effort is being led by Efstathia Fragogiannis, a DARPA alum who joined the agency as chief procurement executive in November.

The framework, announced February 9, lays out clearer pathways for the agency to use its unique authorities, rapidly onboard prototype capabilities, and modernize core systems for urgent mission needs. It also introduces a centralized vendor vetting approach and streamlines internal IT authorization so companies do not get stuck in a bureaucratic maze before they ever reach the starting line.

CIA Deputy Director Michael Ellis put it in plain language: the agency is “open for business,” and it wants partners in areas like AI, biotechnology, financial technology, and microelectronics. CIA Director John Ratcliffe framed it as a culture shift toward speed, agility, and innovation, with the goal of keeping pace with rapidly evolving mission demands.

Now the whispered signal. The CIA is sunsetting the World Factbook, the long-running reference product that began life in 1962 as a classified publication, later went public, and moved online in 1997. The agency’s announcement gave no specific reason for ending it, and reporters who asked for clarification got little beyond a polite shrug.

If you have ever written a paper, built a briefing slide, or needed a quick reality check on population, terrain, GDP, or military basics, you have used the Factbook, even if you did not realize it. It was the battered field manual of public-facing country data, not perfect, but dependable, and always within reach.

Taken together, this feels like a shop cleaning the workbench before a new job. The CIA is telling industry it wants modern tools delivered at operational speed, while quietly retiring an old, familiar fixture that shaped how the public consumed basic intelligence-flavored facts for decades. The first move is about acceleration. The second is about subtraction. Both are about focus.

For a community that lives on signal and silence, the message is clear. Langley wants faster tech in the hands of agency personnel, and it is willing to close some doors to open others.

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