Such an attack would require the commitment of additional aircraft for support, such as tankers for inflight refueling and fighter escorts to suppress enemy aircraft and ground-based air-defense systems (Cummings, 2024). There is also the added risk that a base hosting nuclear weapons could be preemptively attacked or destroyed by a retaliatory attack, risking the destruction of not only the military infrastructure but also, more worryingly, the deaths of civilians in the surrounding area.
In the event of a two-theater war, opposing forces may be tempted to use tactical or mid-range nuclear weapons against deployed U.S. military personnel or our allies. This could be due to their assessment that the U.S. doesn’t have a regional deterrent, thus leading to the perception that they have the ability to gain a battlefield advantage or strike a fatal blow that could lead to their victory. “If such a scenario arises, deploying nuclear-armed SSNs to the secondary theater would impose fewer logistics and security burdens than deploying aircraft, which in any case might be needed for conventional operations in the primary theater” (Cummings, 2024). Having the SLCM-N in the subordinate theater would make an enemy think very carefully about taking its mid-range or tactical nuclear weapons out of storage, much less using them against U.S. military forces or its allies.
A final and noteworthy advantage of deploying the SLCM-N aboard America’s attack submarine fleet is the available space on the new class of ballistic submarines (Colombia Class). The “14 Ohio-class boats will eventually be replaced by just 12 Columbia-class SSBNs, each of which will have only 16 missile tubes, versus 20 per Ohio. Total SSBN tubes will decrease from 280 to 192—a little over 30 percent—putting a premium on magazine space that must be allocated to SLBMs for strategic deterrence missions rather than theater roles” (Cummings, 2024).
Will the SLCM-N Affect the Mission of the SSN Fleet?
According to defense experts Harvey and Soofer (2022), the readiness of the SSN fleet will not be affected because not all the SSNs will need to be armed with the SLCM-N. They assert that only a percentage of the SSN fleet will be required to carry the SLCM-N and, within those submarines, only a fraction of the crew would require nuclear certification (p. 9).
Concurring with Harvey and Soofer and testifying before Congress, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark A. Milley, stated the SLCM-N “wouldn’t be necessarily on each of those subs… some of those subs, a small percentage, may have a mission change, the others would not” (Harvey & Soofer, 2022, p. 9). Once onboard the selected SSNs, an enemy would have to assume would need to assume that all the SSNs in the theater are armed with the SLCM-N, creating uncertainty and adding to deterrence.
Additionally, it is important to bear in mind that “throughout the entire Cold War, the US Navy managed the burden of carrying nuclear weapons on surface ships and attack submarines; nuclear operational deployments and tactical load-outs did not then impede or impact the navy’s ability to perform its other missions” (Harvey & Soofer, 2022, p. 9).
Conclusion
As the adage goes, “The world is a dangerous place,” even more so when nuclear weapons are waiting for use in the arsenals and weapons platforms of adversarial states. While strategic weapons such as ballistic missiles provide the ultimate deterrent effect, America’s enemies may be tempted to use intermediate-range or tactical nuclear weapons due to their scaled-down destructive power. Additionally, their use in a distant theater of war would not necessarily warrant the retaliatory response of a ballistic missile attack on the aggressor state’s homeland.
This is a reality since Russia and China have numerous stocks of nuclear weapons of the intermediate and tactical variety, and they may be tempted to use them if hostilities commenced with the U.S. This is a glaring possibility as the U.S. does not currently have a commensurate, regional deterrent. For this reason, Congress, numerous specialists, and military officials have concurred that developing and fielding an SLCM-N is a stopgap solution. The SLCM-N would further regional deterrence, add another layer of protection for U.S. military personnel, and assure allies that the U.S. military has an answer for regional nuclear saber-rattling.
References
Cummings, A. (2024). A better case for SLCM-N: Yes, the United States needs a sea-launched nuclear cruise missile, but focusing on warhead yield ignores other important issues. Proceedings, 150(4/1, 454). https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2024/april/better-case-slcm-n
Federation of American Scientists. (2024, May 7). America’s nuclear weapons arsenal 2024: Annual overview released by the Federation of American Scientists.
Harvey, J. R., & Soofer, R. (2022). Strengthening deterrence with SLCM-N. Atlantic Council. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep44945
Patterson, B.M. (2022). The Navy needs a now-yield nuclear weapon. Proceedings. 148(12/1, 438). Proceedings. https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2022/december/navy-needs-low-yield-nuclear-weapon
Soofer, R., & Slocombe, W.B. (2023). Congress should fund the nuclear sea-launched cruise missile. Atlantic Council: New Atlanticist. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/congress-should-fund-the-nuclear-sea-launched-cruise-missile/
Author’s Bio

Christian P. Martin is a Michigan-based military researcher and writer. He lived and worked in Vietnam for seven years, giving him a deep understanding of regional dynamics and Vietnamese culture. Additionally, he earned a Master’s degree in Defense & Strategic Studies from the University of Texas at El Paso. His professional interests are history, land and naval warfare and a keen interest in an emergent China.








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